The Brexit negotiations in the media: The Northern Ireland peace process
Stevens, Lauren (2019)
Stevens, Lauren
2019
Yhteiskuntatieteiden tiedekunta - Faculty of Social Sciences
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Hyväksymispäivämäärä
2019-06-07
Julkaisun pysyvä osoite on
https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:tuni-201907252739
https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:tuni-201907252739
Tiivistelmä
This research examines the role of the Northern Ireland peace process in the Brexit negotiations between Britain and the EU by chronologically analysing articles published by British and Irish pro-Brexit, pro-EU, and least biased or neutral online media outlets. The time frame for this research starts from the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly on 9th January 2017 and ends on 29th March 2019, when Britain was expected to formally withdraw from the EU, notwithstanding the postponement of Britain’s withdrawal on 21st March 2019. Firstly, this research presents the historical context of the peace process in Northern Ireland.
Secondly, this research considers the role of the EU in the Northern Ireland peace process. The EU has funded the Northern Ireland peace process since 1989, particularly through three programmes between 1995 and 2014. The continuation of the fourth programme until 2020 and the establishment of programmes in the future are uncertain as a result of Brexit. Moreover, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will become an external EU border after Brexit. This could lead to the return of physical infrastructure on the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland that was removed after the establishment of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement. The physical infrastructure on the border was removed in order to reduce the stereotyping and denigration that previously existed between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, particularly during the Troubles conflict from 1968 to 1998.
Thirdly, the chronological analysis determines that Northern Ireland’s pro-Brexit and right-wing Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was inevitably more influential in the Brexit negotiations than Northern Ireland’s left-wing nationalist political party that is also active in the Republic of Ireland, Sinn Féin, because Sinn Féin abstains from participating in sittings at the House of Commons, the publicly elected lower house of the British parliament. However, in the Northern Ireland Assembly election that was held on 2nd March 2017, the two main nationalist parties gained more seats than the two main unionist parties for the first time since the partition of the island of Ireland in 1921. In Britain’s snap general election to the House of Commons that was held on 8th June 2017, Northern Ireland’s unionist parties had less than 50% of the vote, also for the first time since the partition of the island Ireland in 1921, but they still had a higher percentage of the vote than Northern Ireland’s nationalist parties. Britain’s governing Conservative Party lost its majority in Britain’s snap general election, and Conservative Party MP and British Prime Minister, Theresa May, became dependent on the DUP for her working majority in the House of Commons, despite the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Fourthly, this research concludes that the Northern Ireland peace process, or more specifically, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, was one of the most controversial issues in the Brexit negotiations. The backstop solution was developed to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. According to the backstop solution, Northern Ireland would remain in the EU Customs Union and the European Single Market in order to prevent the need for border checks until the establishment of alternative arrangements. The British parliament and government’s inability to reach a consensus on the withdrawal agreement, which incorporated the backstop solution, ultimately led to the postponement of Britain’s withdrawal from the EU on 21st March 2019. Finally, this research recommends the inclusion of media literacy, politics, the history of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and languages in Britain’s compulsory education. This research also suggests that the use of an alternative electoral system in Britain could improve election turnouts, reduce the perceived need for tactical voting, and prevent the dominance of an ineffective two-party system.
Secondly, this research considers the role of the EU in the Northern Ireland peace process. The EU has funded the Northern Ireland peace process since 1989, particularly through three programmes between 1995 and 2014. The continuation of the fourth programme until 2020 and the establishment of programmes in the future are uncertain as a result of Brexit. Moreover, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will become an external EU border after Brexit. This could lead to the return of physical infrastructure on the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland that was removed after the establishment of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement. The physical infrastructure on the border was removed in order to reduce the stereotyping and denigration that previously existed between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, particularly during the Troubles conflict from 1968 to 1998.
Thirdly, the chronological analysis determines that Northern Ireland’s pro-Brexit and right-wing Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was inevitably more influential in the Brexit negotiations than Northern Ireland’s left-wing nationalist political party that is also active in the Republic of Ireland, Sinn Féin, because Sinn Féin abstains from participating in sittings at the House of Commons, the publicly elected lower house of the British parliament. However, in the Northern Ireland Assembly election that was held on 2nd March 2017, the two main nationalist parties gained more seats than the two main unionist parties for the first time since the partition of the island of Ireland in 1921. In Britain’s snap general election to the House of Commons that was held on 8th June 2017, Northern Ireland’s unionist parties had less than 50% of the vote, also for the first time since the partition of the island Ireland in 1921, but they still had a higher percentage of the vote than Northern Ireland’s nationalist parties. Britain’s governing Conservative Party lost its majority in Britain’s snap general election, and Conservative Party MP and British Prime Minister, Theresa May, became dependent on the DUP for her working majority in the House of Commons, despite the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Fourthly, this research concludes that the Northern Ireland peace process, or more specifically, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, was one of the most controversial issues in the Brexit negotiations. The backstop solution was developed to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. According to the backstop solution, Northern Ireland would remain in the EU Customs Union and the European Single Market in order to prevent the need for border checks until the establishment of alternative arrangements. The British parliament and government’s inability to reach a consensus on the withdrawal agreement, which incorporated the backstop solution, ultimately led to the postponement of Britain’s withdrawal from the EU on 21st March 2019. Finally, this research recommends the inclusion of media literacy, politics, the history of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and languages in Britain’s compulsory education. This research also suggests that the use of an alternative electoral system in Britain could improve election turnouts, reduce the perceived need for tactical voting, and prevent the dominance of an ineffective two-party system.